By Vera Lee-Schoenfeld
The overarching subject of this quantity is without doubt one of the critical issues of syntactic conception: How neighborhood is syntax, and what are the measures of syntactic locality? it's argued the following that circulate and anaphoric kinfolk are ruled by way of a unified suggestion of locality: the part. On an empirical point, Beyond Coherence brings jointly 3 strands of study on German syntax: ‘coherence’, the examine of (reduced) infinitive structures; the possessor dative building, with a dative nominal taking part in the twin position of possessor and affectee; and binding, the distribution of anaphors and pronominals. those it appears disparate parts of analysis intersect in that the locality constraints at the possessor dative building and binding enable the 2 phenomena to function probes for infinitival clause measurement. supplying a Minimalist ‘possessor elevating’ and phase-based binding account, this paintings culminates in a dialogue of the section because the key to a few of the opacity results saw within the publication.
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Extra resources for Beyond Coherence: The syntax of opacity in German
Members of the FR class are the finite verbs in modal, raising, and other Class 3-type constructions, while LR and RNR predicates are the control-zu-predicates which make up Class 2 in the traditional classification. An overview of Wurmbrand’s classification with examples and some characteristic properties of each type of (non-)restructuring predicate under her analysis is given in Table 1 (see Wurmbrand’s Table 1, p. 3 and Table 40, p. 327). Type Properties, Distribution Examples Functional Restructuring (FR) Infinitive = main predicate (vP or VP) • thematic properties are determined by infinitive • possible with: modal, raising, aspectual, causative, perception, motion verbs dürfen “may” gehen “go” hören “hear” lassen “let” scheinen “seem” Lexical Restructuring (LR) Infinitival complement = VP • no embedded (PRO) subject • no embedded structural case • possible with: control verbs vergessen “forget” versuchen “try” wagen “dare” Reduced Non-Restructuring (RNR) Infinitival complement = vP or TP • embedded (PRO) subject • embedded structural case • possible with: control verbs beschließen “decide” planen “plan” versprechen “promise” (Full) Clausal Non-Restructuring (NR) Infinitival complement: CP • embedded (PRO) subject • embedded structural case • possible with: control verbs bedauern “regret” behaupten “claim” vergessen “forget” Table 1 The crucial phrase-structural distinction between LR and RNR predicates is that the LR-type takes just a bare VP-complement, whereas the RNR-type takes a more complex, subject-containing vP or TP-complement.
B. *Jean lui semble [TP avoir lavé les cheveux]. (Guéron 1985: p. 48 (18)) As laid out in detail in chapter 3, infinitive clauses with TP or vP-status are opaque for the relation between PD and possessee in German as well. Only a reduced infinitival complement (introduced by a coherent/restructuring predicate; see chapter 1) allows for a PD with a possessee in the infinitival complement to be part of the matrix clause domain. Expanding on Guéron’s clausemate condition, Landau argues that the locality of the PDC even goes beyond clause-boundedness.
It is clear that the genitive nominal Bushs establishes the possessor relation here. Thus, the syntax of this construction does not encode that the referent of the dative mir has in her possession a piece of paper with Bush’s speech. The speech could have been translated directly from the TV screen. Similarly, in (6a), Mein Bruder hat der Mami (DAT) leider ihr (POSS) Auto zu Schrott gefahren, it is not the dative but the possessive pronoun ihr which establishes the possessor relation with the car.