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By Garry Leech

Within the wake of the worldwide monetary trouble and ongoing savage executive spending cuts internationally, Garry Leech addresses a urgent and precious subject: the character of up to date capitalism and the way it inherently generates inequality and structural violence. Drawing on attention-grabbing case experiences, together with the pressured dispossession of farmers in India and Mexico, and deaths from preventable ailments in sub-Saharan Africa, Leech provocatively argues that international capitalism constitutes a kind of genocide opposed to the terrible, quite within the worldwide South. crucial and eye-opening, Capitalism: A Structural Genocide questions the legitimacy of a procedure that unavoidably leads to such large-scale human anguish, whereas going past mere critique to provide a extra egalitarian, democratic and sustainable international substitute.

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Sample text

Indeed, what Baudrillard’s work ultimately provides is a mirror of bourgeois intellectualism. While Baudrillard’s work is indispensable for the evolution of a critical theory of capitalism and its culture, his attack on the viability of socialist projects and normative theory must be refuted for both philosophical and political reasons. As mentioned in the introduction, I maintain that it is possible to recognize the failure of past revolutionary projects without abandoning revolutionary theory and collective action.

The footage is real, of course, but is selectively fitted into the production of a particular narrative that cannot recount the whole of what happened. We always and only get strategically constructed narratives, which countless anthropologists, and postcolonial and subaltern studies scholars have proven are different from reality as seen from other points of view. When smart bombs inadvertently land on hospitals and schoolhouses, a decision is made whether or not these will be woven into the fabric of the story – or if they conflict too sharply with the chosen narrative.

But nevertheless, the event of the election passes as evidence of democracy. The absurdity of this position can be painful to recognize. When we have a contested election in the US, complete with low voter turnout, we accept it as the natural activity of democracy. When a similar thing happens in Iran, and civil society erupts into protest, we take the protest as evidence that democracy is not working there. In June of 2009, we learned that Ahmadinejad was crushing democracy – that one of his contenders, Mousavi, had come to catalyze, almost inadvertently, an emboldened movement for “real” democracy.

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